White male fore mixed or black female

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There has been a great deal of popular speculation that White men are threatened by the advance of women and minorities in schools and workplaces. Serious national analyses have continuously demonstrated that this is not the case for earnings or employmentalthough it increasingly is for educational attainment. Less attention has been paid to which White men might be facing employment competition from other groups and where. People and jobs are stratified by class and place as well as by gender and race. Seen through the lens of class stratification and local labor markets, any White male fore mixed or black female that lumps all White men, or all women or all minorities, together is likely to be wrong.

In those same states working class White men face substantial labor market competition from minority men. Prior research shows that it is these working class White men who are the r acially resentful and most opposed to further immigration and who were particularly receptive to anti-elite, anti-immigrant and racial political messages. Educated White men benefit from growing minority labor forces, working class White men do not.

That these working class men are resentful of elites is not then surprising. The medium and large private sector is the heart of the U. It is also this group of firms that the U. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission is particularly tasked with monitoring for discrimination. Discrimination is a difficult process to document; our goals are more modest. We explore variation across U. This variation can be produced by a variety of factors, including contemporary discrimination, past discrimination with employers, race and gender differences in access to good quality education, migration and incarceration patterns, and job preferences.

In general, people who gain access to upper and middle class jobs have a set of family and personal history, social network and labor market advantages that aid their access to the best jobs. At Diversity Analytics it is now possible to query the actual demographic diversity of various occupations among the medium and large private sector firms that form the core of the US economy. We use data collected by the U. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission EEOC from private sector firms with more than employees 50 if federal contractors and compare employment diversity in these workplaces to the available labor force in their states.

The EEOC collects occupational data from firms using ten broad occupational : executives, entry-level and middle managers, professionals, skilled technicians, administrative and clerical, sales, skilled crafts and trades, machine operators, laborers, and service workers Appendix 1 gives definitions and examples of these occupations. These correspond roughly to common class distinctions between upper executivesmiddle managers and professionalsand working class jobs.

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Administrative and sales being defined less by skill and more by gender and customer. Table 1 describes these occupations in terms of their national average earnings, education, and white male employment. Table 1. Note: Sample is 5, full-time, year-round, aged 16 to 65 workers from the American Community Survey cumulative file Average earnings are highest among executives, relatively high among managers, and professionals and then drop substantially for the working class occupations.

More than two-thirds pay above this living wage threshold among skilled working class occupations. Other working class occupations include a substantial component of jobs that pay less than a living wage. Average education is consistently highest among professionals, lower among executives and managers, and lower still in working class occupations. As we will see below, occupations that require higher levels of education also tend to have more women in them. Both executives the top of the white-collar job ladder and skilled craft and trade jobs the best working class jobs are dominated by White men.

Consistent with what we know nationally about earnings and education trends, the general national pattern is that White men are more commonly in higher paid occupations, particularly if they do not require high levels of education. Table 2. Note: Sample is 5, full-time, year-round, age 16 to 65 workers from the American Community Survey cumulative file Black and Hispanic men are concentrated in working class jobs, with Hispanic men being particularly likely to be found in skilled crafts and trades.

Minority men are more likely than minority women to be found in executive, managerial, and skilled craft and trade occupations. These are national snapshots and miss the substantial regional variation in the array of jobs available as well as the composition of the labor force.

At the same time, there is demographic heterogeneity within these occupations. In researching this report, we wondered: were White male fore mixed or black female states in which White men lose their average national social class advantages? From a market perspective, one might reason for this loss of advantage might be more competition from women and minority candidades for desirable jobs in certain states. Conversely, some social scientists have speculated that larger minority or female labor forces may tend to push White men up in the employment structure.

Our state visualizations use EEO-1 employer reports from the U. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission. That act prohibited employment segregation and discrimination on the bases of race, color, ethnicity, national origin and gender in the White male fore mixed or black female.

We also use to American Community Survey data from the U. States vary tremendously in their racial composition and so in order to make state comparisons of access to upper, middle and working class occupations it is necessary to calculate employment relative to labor supply. The Diversity Analytics website permits additional comparisons both between and within states.

research using these EEO-1 reports show that in the s, and as a result of the Civil Rights movement, Black men began to be hired into these medium and large private sector firms, primarily into working class jobs. In the s the same pattern happened for Black and White women, but also all three groups began to get access to both managerial and professional jobs in what was the period of strongest federal regulation of employment discrimination.

Progress into managerial jobs for most non-White groups stalled across the s. The same happened to White women across the s. We begin with an examination of upper and middle class jobs, followed by skilled working class jobs, and conclude with other working class jobs. The general pattern is that White men are strongly advantaged in their access to upper class jobs everywhere, but particularly in states with large minority populations. While White men have advantaged access to executive jobs in all states, this is a more unusual pattern for other groups.

White women are found in executive private sector jobs at higher rates than their general labor force participation in only four places — the District of Columbia, New Mexico, California, and Hawaii — all places with large minority populations. Asian men are most similar to White men in their advantaged access to executive positions relative to their size in state labor markets, and are overrepresented among executives in the majority of states in which they are present.

There is only one exception to this pattern of minority exclusion from the top jobs. In Hawaii, Native Hawaiians are overrepresented in executive positions in medium and large private sector firms. Managers oversee the work of other occupations and coordinate tasks within firms and with suppliers and customers. About half of managers have college degrees, but they are primarily defined in terms of their control over systems of production. Professionals, in contrast, tend to have skills associated with specialized college degrees and generally undertake long on-the-job training periods.

Both occupational types tend to be well paid, although they earn much less than executives, who have considerably more control over production, capital investment, and other discretionary and strategic decisions.

In all states, White men are overrepresented in first- and mid-level managerial EEOC reporting private sector jobs. As we saw for executive jobs, managerial access for White men tends to be highest in states with large minority populations. With the exception of Alaska, Asian men also tend to be overrepresented in managerial jobs in a pattern quite similar to their executive employment. Black men are overrepresented in managerial jobs in only three states--Arizona, Kansas, and New Mexico--all places with few Black workers.

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We found a similar pattern for skilled working class jobs. Hispanic and Native American men are never found in managerial jobs at rates higher than their state labor force proportion. The District of Columbia stands out for its rough equality in access to managerial jobs between White men and White women. Asian women are slightly overrepresented in managerial jobs in a handful of states, most dramatically in the District of Columbia In two states with very small Black populations — Arizona and Alaska — Black women are slightly overrepresented in Managerial jobs.

The general pattern for managers is quite similar, if less extreme, than the executive pattern. White men have higher access to managerial jobs in all states, and this advantage grows with the size of the minority population. White male fore mixed or black female women get similar advantages in high minority states, but only rarely does this lead to over representation in managerial jobs. Professional jobs tend to require at least a four-year college degree, and also tend to pay fairly high wages almost as high on average as managers.

The demographic composition of professional occupations in the private sector, however, is quite a bit different than the patterns for managers and executives. In all states, except for Utah and Washington, women are overrepresented in professional jobs. Even in those two states, men are only slightly overrepresented in professional jobs.

White men are overrepresented in professional jobs in only fourteen states, most dramatically in the District of Columbia In every state, except for Utah and Washington, White women are more likely to hold professional jobs than are White men in these EEOC reporting private sector firms. The general pattern for both White men and women is their access to professional occupations grows with the size of the minority population. Asian men and women are overrepresented in professional jobs in almost all states.

The only exceptions are Hawaii and Alaska, where Asian men are slightly underrepresented in professional occupations. Again, Black men and women tend to have higher levels of representation in professional jobs in states with very small Black populations. Black men, like White men, are less often advantaged in professional jobs, but unlike White men there is not a single state where Black men are overrepresented in professional jobs.

Black men and women tend to have the least access to professional occupations in the southern states.

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Hispanic men and women are underrepresented in professional jobs in all states. The skilled crafts typically require high school education and lengthy White male fore mixed or black female apprenticeship training. On the coasts and in the Midwest they tend to be unionized as well. Men are overrepresented in skilled trade and craft jobs in all states, but their advantaged access to these jobs varies from a high of For White men, overrepresentation in skilled working class jobs is lowest in California Although White men have advantaged access to skilled working class jobs in all but one state Hawaiithat advantage is weaker where minority populations are larger.

This is the opposite pattern to what we observed for upper and middle class occupations. Hawaii stands out as the only state in which White men are not overrepresented in skilled working class jobs. All minority men in Hawaii - except for Hispanics - are more likely to be found in skilled craft and trade private sector occupations than are White men.

There is also a great deal of variation across states as to which types of men are overrepresented in skilled working class jobs. In almost all states, White men are more likely to be found in skilled trades and craft occupations than are Black men. The exceptions are Utah, North Dakota, and Montana—all predominantly white states--and the District of Columbia and Virginia--both with large black populations.

This is in marked contrast to Hispanic men, who in the majority 26 out of 51 of states are more likely relative to population size to hold skilled trade and craft jobs in these private sector firms than are White men. Asian men only rarely Kansas, Utah, the District of Columbia, and Hawaii have higher representation in these jobs than do White men.

From these data, it appears that White men with only high school degrees compete in many states with Hispanic and in a few states with Native peoples for skilled working class jobs. States where men are more likely to hold technician jobs in the private sector include New Mexico, Nevada, Oregon, Alaska, and Arizona. White men are more likely to work in technician jobs in these states as well.

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Technician jobs tend to require some community college or other classroom based skill training. These jobs on average pay slightly more than skilled trade and craft jobs. They are also more likely to be held by women in all racial groups, other than Asian. In all but thirteen states, women are more likely to hold technical jobs than are men.

The same type of states provides the most access to this type of skilled working class job for White women. Asian and Black women fill these private sector technician jobs at higher rates than White women in many states. The same can be said for Asian and Black men, who are more heavily represented in technician jobs than White men in many states.

As we saw for professionals, educational criteria works-- at least in some states--to the advantage of all women and Asian and Black men. White men face substantial competition from women of all races in their access to skilled technician jobs. Sales occupations are fairly heterogeneous, ranging from routine retail check-out work to luxury and durable goods sales. They also tend to be quite mixed in terms of their gender and racial composition. Within all races, other than White, women are more likely than men to be in sales.

At the same time relative to their representation in the state labor market White men are in every state less likely than Black men to be in sales jobs. The comparisons for White and Hispanic men for sales jobs are much more complex, with no clear pattern across states. The various office support occupations tend to have some college and skew disproportionally female. White men are underrepresented in these jobs in all states.

White male fore mixed or black female

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Race, States, and the Mixed Fate of White Men